saco-indonesia.com, Menteri BUMN Dahlan Iskan mengaku terkejut mendengar informasi bahwa harga jengkol di sejumlah pasar menembus Rp 50.000 setiap kilogramnya.

JAKARTA, Saco-Indonesia.com - Menteri BUMN Dahlan Iskan mengaku terkejut mendengar informasi bahwa harga jengkol di sejumlah pasar menembus Rp 50.000 setiap kilogramnya.

"Waduh...kenapa mahal seperti itu. Padahal, jengkol itu makanan kesukaan istri saya. Kalau begitu kasihan dong istri saya," kata Dahlan, usai mengikuti Rapat Kerja dengan Komisi VI DPR-RI di Gedung MPR/DPR, Jakarta, Senin (3/6/2013).

Menurut Pria kelahiran Magetan, Jatim, dirinya tidak mempermasalahkan kenaikan harga jengkol hingga melebihi harga daging ayam. "Saya tidak suka jengkol soalnya, tapi kalau pete (petai) saya suka. Harga pete naik gak yah?" ujar mantan Dirtu PLN ini sembari bertanya kepada wartawan.

Ia menuturkan, kalau harga jengkol melambung tentunya yang kewalahan adalah sang istri Ny Nafsiah Sabri. "Istri saya doyan jengkol. Dia selalu membeli jengkol dalam jumlah banyak untuk persediaan," ujar mantan wartawan ini, sambil tersenyum.

Mantan Dirut PT PLN itu menuturkan ketika berbelanja di pasar Santa, kawasan Kebayoran Baru, istrinya selalu membeli jengkol 5 kilogram sekaligus.

Sebelumnya diberitakan, harga jengkol di sejumlah pasar di Jabodetabek dan sekitarnya sudah mencapai Rp 50.000 perkilogram. Jengkol yang dalam bahasa latin disebut dengan "archidendron pauciflorum", bahkan sudah melonjak hingga sekitar 100 persen di sejumlah lokasi. Kenaikan harga jengkol ternyata juga diikuti harga pete yang melonjak tajam.

Namun, menanggapi harga jengkol yang melangit tersebut, Dahlan mengaku harus ikut berbagi pemikiran bagaimana solusi menurunkan harganya. "Harus ada solusinya. Bila perlu BUMN membentuk perusahaan khusus untuk mengembangkan tanaman jengkol. Bisa saja dibentuk PTPN XIV yang mengurusi jengkol dan pete," ujar Dahlan bercanda sambil berlalu memasuki kendaraannya.

Untuk diketahui saja, jumlah BUMN Perkebunan saat ini hanya sampai dengan PTPN IV.

Sewa Mobil Murah adalah satu cara bijak untuk dapat menghemat uang Anda dengan memilih mobil yang ekonomis. Mobil yang besar mun

Sewa Mobil Murah adalah satu cara bijak untuk dapat menghemat uang Anda dengan memilih mobil yang ekonomis. Mobil yang besar mungkin bukan solusi yang terbaik karena mobil tersebut telah mengkonsumsi bahan bakar lebih banyak dalam menemani liburan Anda. Jika memilih mobil yang lebih kecil memang akan menghemat Anda dalam penggunaan bahan bakar dan dapat lebih leluasa jika masuk jalan-jalan sempit, namun tentu tempat tidak selega mobil besar.

Sewa Mobil Murah Di Internet

Informasi yang terbaik dalam mencari dan memesan mobil sewaan adalah melalui internet. Menggunakan data dari Internet Anda juga dapat membandingkan harga dan pelayanan yang terbaik sebelum Anda memutuskan untuk menyewa dan memesan mobil sewaan. Bermacam situs penyewaan mobil beserta fasilitasnya, memungkinkan Anda membandingkan harga diantara penyedia jasa layanan penyewaan mobil tersebut.

Jadi hal ini pasti akan sangat membantu Anda dalam melakukan penghematan uang dalam liburan. Baca dan pahami betul harga sewa mobil murah tersebut dan pelayanannya dari bermacam situs penyewaan mobil, jangan lupa untuk membaca ulasan dari komen-komen yang pernah menyewa mobil di situs tersebut. Dalam hal ini Anda juga harus bijak dan tentu harga bukan satu-satunya faktor paling menentukan.

Apabila Anda menyewa mobil tersebut akan Anda kemudikan sendiri atau menyewa beserta supir, coba tanya pada diri Anda. JIka Anda akan mengemudikannya sendiri, berarti Anda juga akan banyak menghabiskan waktu di Mobil. Oleh karenanya pastikan mobil yang akan Anda sewa dilengkapi dengan audio yang baik, baiknya Anda bawa CD favorit.

Keselamatan Adalah Hal Utama

Dalam mengendarai mobil bersama keluarga, keselamatan adalah hal yang paling utama. Pilihlah model atau tipe mobil yang dilengkapi dengan Airbag. Mungkin faktor layanan adalah yang paling menentukan selain harga sewa yang murah. Tanyakan jika mobil yang Anda sewa tersebut mengalami masalah misalkan rusak di tengah perjalanan, apakah akan diberikan mobil cadangan atau tidak. Hal ini sangat penting agar dalam liburan Anda tidak mau terganggu hanya karena mobil yang Anda sewa mogok. Dari respon si pemilik mobil akan menentukan bahwa pelayanannya profesional atau tidak.

Anda juga harus jeli dalam memperhatikan dan membandingkan harga sewa mobil murah maupun layanan dari setiap situs di internet yang sudah Anda hubungi. Ada beberapa faktor lain yang juga menentukan dalam menyewa mobil, misalkan faktor cuaca dan tujuan Anda dalam berlibur. Hal ini telah menjadi penting untuk dapat menentukan pilhan sewa mobil murah apa yang cocok untuk menemani Anda. Jadi alangkah bijak jika Anda juga memeriksa dan membaca ramalan cuaca sebelum Anda berlibur, karena iklim di daerah lain apalagi negara lain kemungkinan berbeda. Jadi pastikan Anda memilih mobil dengan tepat.

Periksa juga kondisi kesehatan mobil dan yang tidak kalah pentingnya adalah surat-surat (STNK) dari mobil tersebut, juga Anda tanyakan apakah mobil tersebut diasuransikan apa tidak.

Kondisi Sewa Mobil Murah

Untuk dapat menghindari stress dalam perjalanan Anda, buat rencana transportasi Anda terjadwal. Jadi rencanakan sedini mungkin dalam memesan mobil sewaan dan hindari pemesanan mobil dalam hitungan ‘last minute’. Demi kenyamanan Anda sendiri pastikan setibanya di bandara tujuan mobil sudah tersedia. JIka Anda ada permintaan khusus seperti kursi bayi sebaiknya Anda diskusikan sengan pemilik mobil. Pastikan waktu negoisasi semua dibicarakan.

Mengacu pada teknologi, mobil jaman sekarang sudah dilengkapi dengan GPS, dan tentunya ramah lingkungan. Pada akhirnya, pilihlah sesuai dengan kebutuhan Anda sehingga tidak merepotkan di perjalanan. Kadang-kadang sewa mobil murah tidak menjadi pilihan Anda, ingat..! pilih lah mobil dengan bijak.

WASHINGTON — During a training course on defending against knife attacks, a young Salt Lake City police officer asked a question: “How close can somebody get to me before I’m justified in using deadly force?”

Dennis Tueller, the instructor in that class more than three decades ago, decided to find out. In the fall of 1982, he performed a rudimentary series of tests and concluded that an armed attacker who bolted toward an officer could clear 21 feet in the time it took most officers to draw, aim and fire their weapon.

The next spring, Mr. Tueller published his findings in SWAT magazine and transformed police training in the United States. The “21-foot rule” became dogma. It has been taught in police academies around the country, accepted by courts and cited by officers to justify countless shootings, including recent episodes involving a homeless woodcarver in Seattle and a schizophrenic woman in San Francisco.

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”